This paper focuses on three Tai-Lue villages in Thawanpha District, in Nan province, who migrated from Sipsong Panna to Thawanpha in the 19th century. After their migration, their cultural patterns became almost undistinguishable from Tai Yuan, the majority in Northern Thailand. Although they mostly lost their own language, they can identify themselves as Tai Lue based on the system of the ritual of guardian spirits, especially on the legend of migration from Sipsong Panna expressed in the pantheon of spirits. The expression of Tai Lue identity in recent years is to promote the Tai Lue culture for outsiders as a part of the rural development program.

In Thailand several kinds of community groups or organizations have played important roles in rural development. Recently, in Nan Province, these groups are networked into a provincial community by national policy for the whole country. The culture and society of Tai-Lue in Thawanpha is being reformed in the context of making network of community groups at district level, which is networked into provincial community. In 1996, the ritual which three Tai-Lue villages had held together took place in two places. One village had enlarged the ritual, but little benefit for other villages resulted from this enlargement. Therefore one village separated to reform the ritual for their own benefit. The separation of Tai-Lue ritual was also encouraged by village competition connected with government policy, which emphasizes village framework. 

However this cannot be explained only as the result of village competition, but the network of community groups and the role of district council of culture, which are beyond the village framework, must be examined. The reformation of one village is lead by a few key persons who play important roles in the network of community groups and the district council of culture, but that of another village is lead mostly by ordinary elder villagers. That is to say, the reformation of the former is closer to government policy, but that of the latter is closer to village idea.

It is often said that the knowledge of elders is important for inheriting tradition, but in this case, the knowledge of elders tends to be utilized in the context of the personal network of key persons of the network of community groups. However the village that began the ritual separated from its original place intended to disassociate from cultural description of government policy and to utilize the knowledge of elders by village idea for own village. 

To understand this movement, we must consider two aspects of development policy, which are emphasizing village framework and making a network of community groups beyond village framework.

The Dai, linguistically related to the Thai of Northern Thailand, constitute one of some twenty minorities living in the Province of Yunnan in China.

Between May and October 1999, in Kunming, the international EXPO99—one of the last huge exhibitions of this century—will show global and transnational cultural and social characteristics and seems the right place to explore the limits of ‘civil society’ among these Dai, an important minority of the province. Two major Autonomous Prefectures, namely Xishuang Banna (Sipsong Panna) and Dehong in Southwest and Western Yunnan, are Dai. During EXPO99 many tourists will visit these prefectures, admire the economic development and modernisation of Jinghong and Ruili, the main cities of these prefectures, and see the external socio-economic effects of China’s economic boom. Those who cannot travel so far can even see a Dai Folkloric museum village in Kunming with Dai and Han mixed (a night visit is cheaper). Farther, is it possible to explore better the socio-economic change ion the Dai society of Yunnan and the use of the term ‘civil society’ in this society?

My research between 19876 and 1999 among the Dai of Yunnan and my interest in the sinicization in three provinces of South China among Eastern Thai in the last five years will be used as a basis of reflection.

For the Dai of Yunnan, sinicization constitutes the main socio-cultural concept of integration into the dominant Han-Chinese society; ‘civil society’ is another possible global particularism. Could we conceptualise this microstudy on the Dai to understand better what is a ‘civil society’ in a ‘globalizing world’? What is the best solution: a local sinicized Dai society or a more global type of ‘civil society’?

Ahom is a Tai group settled in the Brahmaputra valley since 1228. Since then they had ruled in the whole Brahmaputra valley starting from upper valley upto 1828 A.D., maintaning their independence. But at the advent of Myanmarese and then the British power, Tai Ahoms had lost their independence. Again after the Indian independence, Ahoms’ Kingdom ‘Assam’ had been included in the Indian Republic. With both political and religio-cultural dominance by foreigners and Indian mainstream, Ahom had to suffer in the field of power, social hierarchies, religio-cultural characteristics and even they have to loss their racial identity. This paper want to explain Ahoms spirit of revivalism and in fact the movement for revivalism in the field of politics, race identity, religion, culture and other aspects to maintain their Tai racial identity. Ahoms fought to get back their independence during Myanmarese and British days and even a few years after Indian independence. Later on they are struggling to get some kind of political autonomy and rights to preserve their culture, language and religion and economic status. They themselves are trying hard to revive lost Tai language, dormant Tai cultural hierarchies and other Tai characteristics. This paper aims at highlighting these aspects.

In an outline, culture can be defined as a society’s way of living i.e. what characterizes its people, their knowledge, technical skills, material design and economy.

Apart from Bangkok and the provincial capitals, Thailand is a country of rural villages based on cottage industries with regional differences. For centuries one of the most important cottage industries has been and still is weaving. As the production of textiles has continued scarcely changed from a distant past, especially in the North and Northeast, these textiles may contribute in the search for elements of survival of the ancient or original Tai culture. This paper reports on a study of textile patterns as a source of evidence helping to identify the geographic scope of the ancient Tai culture.

Tai people are those who speak a language/tongue which can be recognized as Tai, for example: Shan, Khamti, Lü, Yuan, Thai, Lao, Neua, Tai Dam, Tai Daeng, Phu Tai, Tho, Zhuang jia, and those whose way of living can be described as Tai culture.

Based on a comparison of textile patterns from various Tai groups, an attempt was made to determine which patterns these groups have in common and which aspects are likely to have been part of the ancient or original Tai culture. Geographically the studied Tai groups cover an area stretching from Ban Rai, Uthai Thani province in Thailand, through Laos into Guizhou and Guangxi provinces in south China.

The study of the textile patterns of the Tai groups show a uniformity that has made it possible to distinguish some general types. Comparisons to the neighbouring areas were made, and most similarities are found to the southern parts of China. 

In the search for evidence of the survival of ancient Tai culture, decoration on archaeological material have also been examined for similarities to the textile patterns.

The study of textile patterns provides an unexpectedly valuable source of information that can be a supplement to the knowledge of the original home of the Tai’s.

Chiang is the most popular place name in the Thai society in the World. Wherever there is Thai people, there is chiang.

Up to now, the meanings of chiang (vieng, xieng, etc.) are being discussed by many scholars. Though, it is clear that chiang is the specially social organization of the Thai people (There is no place name chiang in the Thai speaking ethnic groups, such as Tay, Nung, Day, etc, in Vietnam).

According to me, Chiang is the model of the social organization of the Thai people, includes politics, society, culture and especially its military affairs. This is the product and value of the agricultural civilization in the Southeast Asia region.

Basing on this traditional model, many regions that have good developed conditions have become strong states, such as Chiang Tung, Xip xong pan na, Lan Xang, Sip xong chu thai, etc.

Therefore, In order to know deeply about the traditional society of the Thai people, to research this special place name is very important. This paper consists of four parts: (1) Names and meanings of chiang: The meanings of chiang are the same in all Thai regions, but the pronunciation of it is different from different areas, countries, such as Xieng (Xieng Khoang),or Vieng (Vieng Chan) in Laos; Chiang (Chiang Mai) in Thailand, (Chiang Tung) in Myanmar,(Chiang Khuong, Chiang Ve...) in Vietnam, etc. (2) On one hand, Chiang can be the central of politics, culture, or society of a huge area such as Chiang Tung, Vieng Chan, or Chiang Mai. But on the other hand, Chiang is the central of a small area, or even become the name of one village, such as Ban chiang (Chiang village) in northwest of Thailand, Chiang Khoi, Chiang Dong (village), etc, in Vietnam. (3) In huge area, Chiang has its own rampart like Chiang Mai (Thailand), Chiang Tung (Myanmar) or Chiang Hung (Xip xong pan na, Ghina), and to be the dwelling of aristoratic and official families. (4) The statistic table of Chiang in Vietnam, Thailand, Laos, Myanmar, and China.

The Thais in Thailand and the Dais in China share the same origin. Speaking almost a common language and bearing common characters, these two groups of people are believed to be closely related to the Yes in ancient China. Introduced from Sri Lanka via Thailand and Myanmar in the l3th century, Hinayana gained its place in Southwest China’s Yunnan Province. Hinayana became dominant in the l4th and l5th centuries in Yunnan’s Xishuangbanna, Simao, Lincang and Dehong where the Dai are the major nationality. Ever since, Hinayana has had huge impact on the Dais’ politics, economy, culture and ideology. Furthermore, Buddhist practices in Yunnan’s Xishuangbanna and Simao are extremely similar to those of the Les in Northern Thailand in terms of the Bible, language, architecture, literature, geography, calendar, family, love, marriage and festivals. In recent years, China and Thailand have been enjoying good and friendly neighborhood and trade and economic exchanges are developing very rapidly.

Cultural and tourist co-operations are leading the two nations into a stronger demand for better mutual understanding. China has made great efforts in helping to ease the financial crisis in Thailand by promising not to devalue the RMB. Possible Co-operations to commonly develop the Mekong River are under discussion by China, Laos, Myanmar, Thailand, Cambodia and Viet Nam. Thai studies is surely to help these nations to develop good neighborhood and therefore to benefit international peace and stability.

Problems of ethnic and religious minorities in South and Southeast Asia have gradually emerged after WW II and have become serious in the last few decades. In Thailand the problem became all the more serious with the entry of the Vietnamese refugees who escaped political turmoil in their country. Besides Vietnamese refugees ethnic groups in Thailand also include the Chinese, the Burmese refugees, the Muslims and other tribes. The present paper proposes to discuss Muslim minorities in Thailand with special reference to Malay Muslim who constitute an ethnic religious group.

The following aspects will be discussed in the paper. Firstly, an attempt will be made to trace the historical background of the Muslim Minority presence in Thailand. Second, the statutory position of the minorities in the country’s constitution will be analysed. This aspect is important as the Thai state, represented by the king has often sought to integrate and manipulate the Buddhist religious hierarchy. But the Muslim submission to such hierarchy practically amounts to sacrilege. Here the question of state authority as well as the Government attitude towards the Muslims is involved. Finally, the aspect of socio-economic and political role of the Muslims in Thailand’s specially the role of Muslim women will be highlighted. Muslim women are the principal sources of agricultural labour but their social and political participation is very limited. How complex is the problem of their social and cultural adjustment in the Thai society is to be analysed. 

Ky son district (formerly called as Muang Xen) is part of the highlands area of Nghe An province. Travelling along National Road No. 7 and crossing border point Nam Can, one can from Muang Xen reach the Muang Phuom-Xieng Khouang plateau of Laos, and from there to easily approach the Golden Triangle. Muang Xen is the place where the biggest quantity of opium is grown in Vietnam. In the 1995-1996 crop alone, opium was planted in 1,309.5 hectares in Muang Xen.

Most minority ethnic groups living in Muang Xen were engaged in growing opium plants. The Hmong had planted opium since a long time. The Kho Mu planted opium as hired labour. Prior to 1980, the Tai also grew opium in a limited land area and with the purpose of producing medicines and sales in the market, the proceeds of which would be used for purchasing such necessities as oil for lamps, production implements. Following 1980, land area devoted to the planting of opium increased rapidly and opium became a common commodity.

The Vietnamese Government is endeavouring to do away with opium planting and to replace it with fruit trees (such as peach), resin producing plants (shellac) and animals (goat, cow, and bull). But this emerging programme has come up against a number of problems:

Because of the absence of roads, fruit and resin already gathered cannot become marketable goods; the customary pattern of allowing animals to graze freely has resulted in the destruction of agricultural plants; due to lack of veterinary health care, many animals have died because of epidemics; since the Tai have no opium for sales on the market, they are not able to buy oil for lamps, salt, production implements, etc.
In terms of spiritual life, in the past, the Thai in Muang Xen regarded opium as indispensable offerings to the ancestors and the Gods which protect agriculture, and in ceremonies connected with agricultural production. How would the Tai adapt themselves to this new situation?

This paper deals with the problematic relations between Christianity and an ethnic minority group that it is increasingly marginalizing. The paper takes up a Christian Lahu group among whom Baptist Christianity has a history nearing one hundred years, and examines impacts and influences between the church and the minority group as well as the indigenization of this world religion by the Lahu group through reconstruction of their ethnic history.

Lahu people are a highland dwelling ethnic minority in mainland Southeast Asia and southwestern China. As pioneering shifting cultivators, they have lived and moved in areas under political and economic pressures of diverse lowland peoples. In recent years, however, increasing resource scarcity and stricter controls of the lowland governments to the hill areas have significantly eroded the higher autonomy and freedom of movement that the Lahu enjoyed in the past. As national borders have become a political reality, the Lahu, a people without a country, have become even more marginalized.

Christian Lahu retain a mythical story of a Lahu cultural hero who allegedly predicted the coming of the true God to the people and believe that their encounter with Christianity as the fulfilment of the Lahu old prophecy. However, there may not have been such a prophecy as told by Christian Lahu today, but rather the prophet story has been reconstructed and elaborated to the present form through the retrospective narration of Lahu history. Functionally, the prophet story serves as a bridge between pre-Christian and Christian histories, and justifies the new religion by describing its advent as if it were a historical necessity. In the Christian Lahu conception, there is hardly an inconsistency between the true Lahu tradition and the new religion of foreign origin.

The elaboration of the prophet story has further implications. Today, Christian Lahu conceptualize time as a linear flow. The whole history is perceived as a prescribed scheme comprised of the past glory, present sufferings, and grace in the future. Salvation at the end of time is thought to be approaching. Such notions of time and history are a marked contrast to those of animist Red Lahu. 

Christian Lahu tend to be interested in those aspects of Christianity that would give explanations to their predicaments. For them the religion is not only teachings about religious practice but also about the people’s history and destiny. Through elaborating the prophet story and organizing their mythology in parallel to that of the Jews, Christian Lahu have localized it into an ethnic religion—that is, they have indigenized Christianity. 

Recent years in Thailand have seen an emerging focus on the environmental problems and degredation within and across it’s borders, especially in the high mountainous regions of the north. The staggering deforestation rates within the country over the 20th century which saw the country plummet from over 50% forested lands to just 26% and a continued decrease in even that scant cover. The causes for such a drop are various and complex - however the response of the mainstream media and of the Thai public in general has not accepted the varied causes and have focused, with the support of various government departments both implicitly and explicity, on the weakest and less able to defend itself segment of society - the highland ethnic minorities.

Although racial tension has always been a part of Thai society, as it can be found in societies all over the world, there has been an upsurgence recently which is not fully grounded in the main stream society. Instead there are figures and organizations within Thailand which are exploiting the easy target of the ethnic minorities as the ‘outlaws’ in this situation, capitalizing on the history of ethnic differences and effectively shifting the focus of the environmental debate from past failures of policy to present relocation of highland communities. This trend is not only dangerous to the communities it directly effects but also to the Thai nation as a whole, it stops the clear examination of other, larger causes of both past environmental degredation and present continued causes of deforestation. 

Due to their continual struggles against local people along their migration route from southern China to northern Thailand, their distinctive style of cultivation, and the location of their communities, the Hmong in Thailand are alleged to be an ethnic group that has caused such serious problems as threats to national security, deforestation, opium cultivation, drug use and smuggling, etc. Among the ten main highland ethnic groups in northern Thailand, the Hmong are the most marginalized and stigmatized. In this article, I argue that the stigmatization of the Hmong represents a political process of marginalization, which has been constructed in order to legitimate the Thai government’s dominant ideology. The more unfavorable information is distributed about the Hmong, the more the Hmong are marginalized and seen as being opposed to the government's policies and the lowland Thai lifestyle, and as detrimental to the Thai nation.
This article investigates how the Thai government and media have created the process of stigmatizing and marginalizing the Hmong during the past four decades. It illustrates how information produced by these sources has influenced lowland Thais’ views and practices with respect to the Hmong, and how the Hmong has struggled to gain acceptance and secure a cultural space in Thai society. Ethnographic fieldwork was carried out in one Hmong community in Chiang Mai province from December 1997-September 1998. Several cases of Hmong who reside in urban Chiang Mai, including both individuals from the original field site and individuals from other Hmong communities, are also investigated.

The main objective of this article is to offer empirical evidence supporting the findings revealed in the writer’s research entitled Faa-Khwan-Muang: The Worldview of the Ancient Tai: A Study Of The Tai Ahom Documents (in Thai Language, 1998)

The methodology employed in the research has emphasized cosmological structure, the ideological symbols uniting all belief systems in a society.

The strength of the article lies in the comparison of cosmological structures, which are maintained in myth of origin, chronicles and ancient literatures among the Tai groups, namely Tai Ahom, Shan, Siam, Lao and Tai Dam (Black Tai).

Similar cosmological structures found in different Tai groups suggest that they share the common origin of cosmological structure dated back to the 8th century until the 13th century A.D. Each Tai group has later gone different way. However, their development difference can still be seen through the original cosmological structure shared by these groups.

The comparison of cosmological structure yields many pieces of evidence that confirm that the development of Tai society and culture is based on ancient Tai beliefs. The most important evidence is the distribution of ‘Muang’. That is the concept of the establishment communities, cities and states everywhere in closely related to the concept of cosmological structure. The aforementioned concept of cosmological structure of ‘Muang’ is evidently confirmed in any ‘Muang’ chronicle, ‘Muang’ setting and ecological system which continue to be present. 

There has long been a pervasive assumption in anthropology that has tied a group’s identity with ‘a culture’ based on an ethnic category. However, this central analytical concept of ‘a culture’ has been subject to critical debate in anthropology. This paper is intended to consider some of the issues involved in analysing identity as a processual concept rather than as a bounded unique entity. The aim of the study is to deconstruct the notion of ‘ethnic identity’ as a possession attributed to an ethnic group and a particular ethnic culture.

It suggests that the framework that views the recent growing urban mobility of highlanders as a lineal integration process whereby ‘the Akha’ become ‘Thai’ is too simplistic a representation of the actual, contested complex process. The case study will demonstrate the way the Akha differentiate themselves from others by manipulating available options including Christian identity, Tai identity, Chinese identity and Akha identity. Identity choices are neither singular nor consistent but change according to various situations and in different life stages. The contested intertwining of global, national and regional contexts needs also to be taken into consideration.

The recent post-colonial academic debate fundamentally challenges the normative notion of ‘a culture’ and acknowledges the arbitrariness of demarcating an ‘ethnic category’. Meanwhile in contrast, international tourism, the movement towards the preservation of indigenous culture, and ‘community development’ all demand homogeneous ‘authentic’ local cultures. It is within such contradictory situation that ‘Akha identity’ is being reconstructed today. 

The findings of the study are based on intensive field research conducted in northern Thailand from July 1994—November 1996, with supplementary research in 1997 and 1998, including several visits to Yunnan province, China and Shan state, Burma. 

So far attention has been paid by many researchers in cultural political and international relations fields to the Vietnamese nationals’ community and the process of their integration into the Thai social community where they live.

This writing is restricted only at the socio-cultural angle of the environment and living conditions where the Vietnamese nationals have been influenced by Thai culture and vice versa. It is through this social relation for the purpose of existence and development that the exchange ties between Thai and Viet cultures have come into being naturally and diversely with the approval of the community.

The writing is concentrated on some principal features as follows: 
The Vietnamese nationals’ process of living in Thailand. 
1.1) The formation of the Vietnamese nationals’ community in Thailand during the period of Ayuthaya state.
1.2) Historical changes at the end of the XVIII century and the beginning of the XIX century when the Vietnamese nationals immigration into Bangkok began.
1.3) Vietnamese nationals in Thailand during and after World War II.
2.) The Vietnamese nationals’ socio-cultural life in Thailand.
2.1) The social community integration.
2.2) The process of cultural exchange and gradual influence by Thai culture through economic, material and spiritual life.
2.3) Good manifestations of the socio-cultural relations have contributed to intensifying unity between the two nations.
3. Conclusion:
With their efforts in the past and present social harmony the Vietnamese nationals’ community in Thailand has become an important motive force for the cultures between the two nations to approach each other on similar features of the water rice culture specific to South East Asian culture.

1) Situating the problem
Are there Red Thai in Viet Nam? This is a question that many Vietnamese and foreign researchers are interested in. Generally, there are two different opinions about it: some researchers think that there are Red Thai, others deny it. So what is in fact the Red Thai problem? My article will give some academic opinions based on comparing research that aim at answering that question.
2) Content
2.1) Opinion of researchers about this problem from the past until now
2.2) Analyzing academic about naming terminology and cultural specific trait throughout comparation with different Thai sub-groups.
3) Conclusion
From analyzing name and cultural specific trait of the Red Thai to make the observation that there is not the Red Thai in Viet Nam, which participates in answering the upper question.

After the Chinese Communist regime took over the ruling powers in 1949, many Yunnanese fled their home country to Burma. Among the refugees, there were stragglers of former Nationalist armies. They gathered together and formed the KMT guerrillas, and continued to receive support and command from the Nationalist government in Taiwan. A very complex history involving several political entities took place in the 1950s. From the 1960s onwards, a great number of Yunnanese refugees gradually followed the retreating KMT armies to northern Thailand and resettled in individual villages.

Due to their military background in relation to their migration and resettlement, the KMT Yunnanese Chinese in northern Thailand have long been depicted as unruly forces and drug traffickers. In this paper, I would like to challenge this perplexing image by tackling the people’s ethnic identification from both the subjective and objective dimensions. In its subjective dimension, I would like to develop how the KMT armies and villages as two complementary aspects have contributed to strengthen the people’s feeling of belonging and continuity, and in consequence retain their tradition. Based on my research on the KMT Yunnanese, I argue that the study of a people’s culture in depth is a primary step to grasp their ethnic identity. Only by doing so can we appreciate what is the foundation of the people’s tradition, which nourishes the people’s feeling of belonging and continuity, and motivates them to transmit this feeling through daily practice and other means of socialization to their next generation. In its objective dimension, I will discuss the people’s interaction with the external circumstances in reference to their repeated migrations over six generation categories to Burma, Thailand and Taiwan.

Since the mid 1980s, Lue weaving products have found their market niches among the emerging middle and upper classes of Thai women. The popularity of Lue weaving products has helped turn a Lue village in Northern Nan Province into a famous weaving village. This paper attempts to trace the history of the village from its exodus from Laos to its present day status as a famous weaving village. It takes a position that weaving for the villagers has been both symbolic and economic: weaving has been a means to identify themselves as Lue as well as to generate income. This paper attempts to show how the interaction between the symbolic significance and economy of weaving has been related to changes in the villagers’ identity formation in three politico-historically important periods.

The first period to be dealt with is a time just before and after WWII. During this period, Lue weaving products were sold/exchanged with other neighboring ethnic groups as utilitarian commodities. They were also sold to generate income to pay taxes to the French colonial government. It was, however, the heavy burden of such taxes that eventually led to the villagers' initial exodus from Laos to Thailand. It is pointed out that as Lue ethnicity was not incorporated into the political discourse of the French colonial government, it remained at an inter-ethnic level. 

The second period is from 1960s to early 1980s during which the communist insurgencies emerged in Nan and other Northern provinces. The communist insurgencies led to relocation of their initial village and eventual establishment of the present village. During this time, weaving remained an important economic activity for the villagers especially given the fact that the relocation made them landless. It is pointed out that their experience of communist attacks and the consequent relocation with other ethnic groups reinforced their Lue ethnic identity in association with a more politically charged framework of the Thai nation state.

The third period is from the mid 1980s to the present during which the village became famous as a weaving village. Thai middle/upper classes’ consumption of Lue products cultural promotion, academic research on Lue weaving, individual weavers and traders all contributed to make the village famous. This was also accompanied by migration of more Lue people into the village and economic betterment of the village. The sense of Lue ethnicity in association with the Thai nation state has been promoted and accepted by the villagers themselves. Meanwhile, the popularity of Lue weaving products has created economic competition between the villagers and others including Lue weavers from Laos and non-Lue weavers. It is pointed out that this competition in turn helps accentuate the villagers' particular sense of Lue ethnicity.
In conclusion, this paper argues that, because of their Laos origin, which has been proved to be rather disadvantageous, the villagers have developed their strong sense of Lue ethnic identity with a strong sense of willingness to be a part of the Thai nation state.

Dai in China, Thai in Thailand, Lao in Laos and Shan in Myanmma all are descendants of Baiyue who share the same historical original relationship of the same ancestor. The Baiyue has gradually divided into Han in Guang dong; Li in Hainan; Zhuang, Dong in Guangxi; Buyi, shui in Guizhou; Dai in Yunnan;Thai in Thailand; Lao in Laos and Shan in Myanmma. Due to the historical development, not only their languages, but also their life customs are almost the same. The common language, region, economic life and the common psychological quality on the same culture are the key elements to tell one nationality from another. The Han, Li, Zhuang, Dong, Buyi, Shui enjoy many similarities such as the language, diet, dwelling house with Dai, but because of the different regions and out-of-the-way in the past, their costumes, hairstyle, religion and psychological quality are quite different from Dai and have become different nationalities sharing the same language family and language branch. Dai, Thai, Lao and Shan, located on large pieces of continuous regions, not only enjoy very much the same languages, customs, dwelling house, costumes etc, but also almost the same religion, hairstyle, rice culture, Buddhism culture and psychological quality. During A.D.9-11 century, Mengle kingdom in Xishuangbanna; Lanna kingdom in Chiangmai; Menggen kingdom in Kengtung; Menglao kingdom in LuangPrabang and Mengjiao kingdom in Mengjiao of Vietnam had ever been united to form the Yongnajia kingdom together against the harass of Khmer people, and the five small kingdoms all used the same language, Lanna language which is the old Dai language in Xishuangbanna. So the Dai, Thai, Lao and Shan can be taken as one nationality but different branches.